Moral panics have long shaped public policy, often to the detriment of the very people they claim to protect. One of the most infamous moral panics, the Satanic Panic, resulted in nearly 12,000 unsubstantiated cases of Satanic ritual abuse in the 1980s. The unfounded panic around Satanism resulted in hundreds of false convictions, traumatized families, and millions of dollars wasted on prosecutions and investigations. Sociologist Stanley Cohen outlines the five stages of moral panic as:

     1. An event, condition, episode, person, or group of persons is perceived and defined as a threat to societal values, safety, and interests.

     2. The nature of these apparent threats are amplified by the mass media, who present the supposed threat through simplistic, symbolic rhetoric. Such portrayals appeal to public prejudices, creating an evil in need of social control (folk devils) and victims (the moral majority).

     3. A sense of social anxiety and concern among the public is aroused through these symbolic representations of the threat.

     4. The gatekeepers of morality – editors, religious leaders, politicians, and other “moral”-thinking people – respond to the threat, with socially-accredited experts pronouncing their diagnoses and solutions to the “threat.” This includes new laws or policies.

     5. The condition then disappears, submerges or deteriorates and becomes more visible.

Today, the dominant moral panic around human trafficking follows this same pattern, leading to policies that criminalize sex work, waste resources, and ultimately fail actual trafficking victims.

     1. Defining the Threat: “Sex Trafficking Is Everywhere”

The moral panic around human trafficking begins with defining a broad, complex issue in simplistic, alarmist terms. Many activists, politicians, and media figures frame sex work and human trafficking as indistinguishable, pushing the idea that anyone selling sex must be a victim of coercion. Well-meaning but misguided anti-trafficking groups and spokespeople have amplified the message that trafficking is rampant, often relying on debunked statistics that exaggerate its prevalence. This framing ignores labor trafficking, the far more common form of exploitation, and erases the agency of consensual adult sex workers.

     2. Media Sensationalism: The Myth of the Trafficked Child

Once the threat is defined, the media crafts a compelling and emotionally charged narrative. Reports focus on young, white, suburban girls kidnapped and forced into prostitution — despite evidence that most trafficking victims are vulnerable adults facing economic hardship. Sensationalist stories like the viral “Wayfair conspiracy” and QAnon-fueled abduction myths distort public perception, leading people to believe trafficking is primarily about strangers kidnapping children in public places rather than the systemic issues of poverty, migration, and restrictive labor laws.

     3. The Rapid Build-Up of Public Concern

Misinformation spreads quickly, especially in the age of social media. Well-meaning but misinformed activists spread hashtags like #SaveTheChildren, while lawmakers use trafficking as a justification for harsher criminal penalties. Religious groups and anti-porn organizations exploit the panic to push their own agendas, arguing that pornography and consensual sex work fuel trafficking — despite research showing no causal link. Politicians use trafficking as a bipartisan rallying cry, boosting their reputations while failing to pass policies that actually help victims.

     4. Policy Responses That Do More Harm Than Good

As fear reaches its peak, authorities take action — often in ways that harm the very people they claim to protect. Laws like SESTA/FOSTA, intended to curb trafficking, have instead made sex work more dangerous by forcing people off safe online platforms and into riskier street-based work. Police “rescue” operations frequently result in the arrest of sex workers, who are then subjected to criminal records, deportation, or further exploitation. Meanwhile, actual trafficking victims receive little support, as resources are diverted toward criminalizing consensual adult sex rather than addressing root causes like economic vulnerability and restrictive immigration policies.

     5. The Panic Recedes — or Becomes Institutionalized

Eventually, every moral panic either fades or leads to lasting social changes. In the case of human trafficking, the panic has become embedded in law enforcement practices, public policy, and media narratives. Even as research contradicts the dominant trafficking myths, policies that criminalize sex work in the name of combating trafficking persist. Some advocates are working to shift the conversation, emphasizing harm reduction and decriminalization, but the entrenched moral panic makes reform an uphill battle.

The Real Solution: Evidence-Based Policy, Not Panic

If we truly care about preventing trafficking, we must move beyond fear-based narratives and toward evidence-based solutions. That means decriminalizing consensual adult sex work to protect workers from exploitation, funding services for trafficking survivors rather than policing, and addressing the structural conditions — poverty, housing insecurity, restrictive immigration laws — that make people vulnerable to trafficking in the first place.

Moral panics distract from real solutions, creating policies based on fear instead of facts. If we want to end trafficking, we must first stop the cycle of hysteria that criminalizes sex workers and ignores the realities of exploitation.

Vermont lawmakers recently introduced two bills — S.54 in the Senate and H.190 in the House — that would decriminalize consensual adult sex work. Introduction of these bills builds on a series of legislative and local changes in the state over the past several years.

In 2021 Vermont passed an “immunity law,” allowing sex workers and survivors of trafficking to seek police assistance or medical care without fear of their own arrest, making it easier for individuals in these situations to access help when needed, and equipping law enforcement with additional information and tools to catch abusers.

Following that, in 2022, both Burlington and Montpelier made changes to their city charters and ordinances. Burlington voters approved a referendum that removed a ban on prostitution from the city charter, a move that was later signed into law by the governor. Shortly after, Montpelier also removed a similar ban from its city ordinances. These changes reflected local recognition that criminalizing sex work leads to stigma that makes it difficult for sex workers and survivors of trafficking to live freely, safely, and with dignity.

In 2023, Vermont lawmakers passed a law banning law enforcement from engaging in investigatory sex, which, alongside the state’s existing ban on custodial sex, became the most comprehensive legal framework in the country addressing police sexual violence. The law provides that “no law enforcement officer shall engage in … sexual conduct with a person whom the officer is detaining, arresting, or otherwise holding in custody or who the officer knows is being detained, arrested, or otherwise held in custody by another law enforcement officer,” as well as “with a person whom the officer is investigating pursuant to an open investigation; knows is being investigated by another law enforcement officer pursuant to an open investigation; or knows is a victim or confidential informant in any open investigation.”

Building on this momentum, the introduction of S.54 and H.190 marks a continued effort to reform sex work laws by legislators and advocates. Since 2021, similar bills to decriminalize consensual adult sex work have been introduced each legislative session, reflecting the ongoing conversation around this issue in Vermont. If S.54 or H.190 passes, Vermont would be the first state to decriminalize consensual adult sex work. Decriminalize Sex Work (DSW), along with The Ishtar Collective and other local advocates, has been actively involved in the passage of these reforms.

Across the United States, lawmakers in 11 states are advancing controversial bills targeting consensual adult sex work. These bills, which focus on increasing penalties for “solicitation of prostitution” and rebranding it as “commercial sexual exploitation,” threaten to further criminalize sex work and reinforce harmful stigma. Rather than addressing the underlying issues of exploitation, these measures create additional barriers to safety, resources, and legal protection for sex workers.

Here are the bills under consideration:

* Washington HB1265: Renames "Patronizing a Prostitute" to "Commercial Sexual Exploitation," elevating the offense from a misdemeanor to a Class C felony with increased fees.

* Idaho HB88: Makes soliciting commercial sexual activity a felony, escalating the penalty from the current law that treats a first offense as a misdemeanor.

* Nevada AB151: Adds “solicitation for prostitution” by customers to the sex offender registry, making it subject to the same penalties as other sexual offenses.

* Kansas SB71: Increases penalties for purchasing sexual services and mandates “John school” diversion programs.

* New Jersey S4123/A1185: Elevates the penalty for prostitution as a patron and directs fines to a Human Trafficking Survivor’s Assistance Fund.

* Nebraska LB511: Creates the offense of “commercial sexual exploitation,” adds certain offenses to the sex offender registry, and establishes a grant program for law enforcement.

* Virginia HB2763: Increases penalties for repeat offenders of soliciting prostitution.

* South Carolina S235: Increases penalties for both prostitution and solicitation.

* Missouri HB224: Increases penalties for patronizing prostitution.

* Oklahoma SB869: Elevates all prostitution-related crimes to felonies.

* New Hampshire SB267: Introduces a mandatory $500 fine for engaging in prostitution as a patron, directing funds to a victims’ assistance fund.

These bills contribute to a broader pattern of conflating consensual adult sex work with human trafficking, ultimately misdirecting law enforcement resources. By targeting clients instead of addressing actual cases of exploitation, these measures fail to improve the safety or well-being of sex workers. Instead, they push sex work further underground, making it more difficult for workers to access support, services, or protections.

The bills also propose adding those convicted of solicitation to the sex offender registry, which carries severe, long-lasting consequences. Being placed on this registry restricts an individual’s ability to secure housing, find employment, and engage in normal activities, creating lifelong punishment for consensual acts.

Tens of thousands of people are arrested annually in the United States for prostitution and related charges. The majority of those arrested are adults who engage in consensual, victimless activities. Unambiguous data shows a clear correlation between laws that criminalize clients and an increase in violence, sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and exploitation within the sex trade. The increased criminalization of clients pushes sex work further underground and leaves workers vulnerable to harm. This not only increases their exposure to violence and health risks, but it also forces sex workers into reliance on potentially exploitative third parties to maintain their business while avoiding discovery.

February is Black History Month, a time to reflect on the contributions of Black individuals who have shaped history. Gloria Lockett, a pioneering Black sex worker rights activist and public health advocate, successfully fought for the rights of marginalized communities, especially sex workers. Lockett’s story is a testament to resilience and the fight for justice, particularly in response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic that ravaged those marginalized communities in the 1980s.

In 1984, as the AIDS crisis was escalating, Lockett, who had been supporting her family as a sex worker for more than a decade, saw that sex workers were being unfairly scapegoated for spreading HIV. At the time, mainstream narratives about HIV transmission were heavily influenced by stigma and misinformation, with sex workers and gay men bearing the brunt of the blame for the crisis. Lockett, already deeply involved in the sex worker rights movement, understood that the root cause of HIV transmission lay in the lack of education and resources for vulnerable communities, and was not inherent to sex work. She co-founded the California Prostitutes Education Project (Cal-PEP), one of the first organizations in the U.S. dedicated to providing HIV prevention, education, and outreach specifically tailored to sex workers and their partners.

Before Cal-PEP, Lockett was already making waves in the movement for sex workers’ rights as a co-founder of COYOTE (Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics), a national organization that demanded the decriminalization of prostitution and sought to empower sex workers. Founded by Lockett, Margo St. James, Carol Leigh, and Priscilla Alexander, COYOTE was instrumental in challenging the laws and social stigma that criminalized sex work. While sex workers’ rights movements were beginning to gain momentum, Black sex workers, including Lockett, often found their concerns sidelined in favor of the predominantly white voices within the movement. Despite this, Lockett was relentless in her advocacy, pushing for a broader vision that included Black and transgender sex workers.

Cal-PEP became a vital resource for those most at risk. The organization provided HIV education, supported harm reduction strategies, and worked to ensure sex workers had access to healthcare. Cal-PEP's work was especially important in reaching African American and transgender communities, who were disproportionately affected by HIV and AIDS. Despite limited funding and resources, Lockett was able to convince the California Health Department to fund the organization’s HIV education materials, ensuring they were culturally and linguistically appropriate for the people they were meant to serve. This was just the beginning of Cal-PEP’s long and impactful legacy. In its first year, the organization survived on a modest $30,000 grant from the California Health Department, but Lockett’s efforts soon expanded the program, and over the next 35 years, Cal-PEP grew into a prominent force in sex worker health and rights advocacy. It became an essential lifeline for sex workers, offering tailored health education, disease prevention, and support services. The organization’s influence expanded, reaching more individuals and ultimately supporting a growing team of 20 staff members and an annual budget of $2.2 million. By the time Gloria Lockett retired in 2019, Cal-PEP had become a pillar of the Bay Area’s response to HIV/AIDS and an invaluable resource for the most marginalized members of the sex work community.

Lockett’s leadership at Cal-PEP, along with her role as a co-founder of COYOTE, make her a key figure in the fight for sex workers’ rights and decriminalization. She consistently challenged harmful narratives about sex work and worked to ensure that those most affected by HIV and AIDS were not left behind. Lockett’s advocacy for racial and gender justice provided a blueprint for future sex worker rights movements, ensuring that the needs of the most marginalized were always prioritized.

Lockett’s work was revolutionary because she understood that addressing the health crisis alone was not enough. The stigma against sex workers, compounded by racism, misogyny, and classism, meant that those who needed help the most were often the least likely to seek it. Lockett’s approach wasn’t just about providing direct resources, it was about advocating for a better understanding of sex work as legitimate labor and recognizing the humanity of sex workers. By demanding decriminalization and lifting up the voices of those most affected, Lockett challenged the broader public to reconsider its assumptions about sex work.

New York City celebrated the first-ever Cecilia Gentili Day, honoring the life and legacy of a trailblazing activist, author, performer, and policymaker. Cecilia Gentili, who passed away in 2024, was a passionate advocate for the rights of undocumented immigrants, sex workers, and LGBTQIA+ individuals. Her advocacy and activism have left a lasting impact on the city and beyond, inspiring ongoing efforts toward justice and equality. Decriminalize Sex Work (DSW) staff participated in the festivities.

Throughout her life, Cecilia fought tirelessly for policies that protect marginalized communities, particularly transgender individuals and sex workers. She was an influential voice in the movement to decriminalize sex work, improve healthcare access for transgender people, and ensure the safety and dignity of those often overlooked by society. As a transgender woman and former sex worker, Cecilia’s personal experiences fueled her powerful work to drive policy change and amplify the voices of vulnerable communities.

The establishment of Cecilia Gentili Day in New York City is a testament to the enduring impact of her contributions. The day was made possible through the efforts of City Councilmember Tiffany Caban, who introduced the resolution to honor Gentili’s legacy. Caban, a strong advocate for LGBTQIA+ rights and the decriminalization of sex work, ensured that Cecilia’s life’s work would be remembered and celebrated annually. Caban’s leadership exemplifies her dedication to social justice, continuing the fight that Cecilia championed for the most marginalized communities.

As Cecilia Gentili Day is observed each year, it will serve as a reminder of Cecilia's lasting legacy and the ongoing work needed to ensure the rights, safety, and dignity of all people, especially those in the most vulnerable communities. The day honors not only Cecilia’s remarkable achievements but also encourages continued activism in her spirit, inspiring others to carry forward the causes she championed.